The New Class:
An American Nomenklatura
by G. Arthur Morrison
The American New Class (NC), as one of its favorite
philosophers, Karl Marx,
might have called it, has become an immensely powerful force in society since
World War II, elbowing its way to a position alongside Big Business as a
dominant player in the society. The utility of this terminology has been
recognized by, for example, both conservative Irving
Kristol and neo-Marxist Alvin
Gouldner, defining a bifurcation
of the middle class: the producers of tangible economic goods and related
services on one hand and on the other, the non-technical information workers: bureaucrats,
lobbyists, lawyers, non-technical academics, media workers, and mental
therapists. This latter conglomeration is the New Class; its
formation was allegedly forced by automation's reduction in demand for physical
labor. Here the two pundits part company. Kristol considers NC ascendancy as Bad
News, Gouldner welcomes it as a beneficial force, able to guide society to a
more egalitarian future through social engineering. In this connection we must
remember what Marx actually advocated: not that the proletariat itself should
lead, but that it would be led by a special educated socialist ruling group
-analogous to the medieval clergy- which in theory would keep the proletariat's
interests foremost on its agenda.
One characteristic of NC occupations is the difficulty of gauging the actual
quality level of an individual's performance. Incompetence
becomes harder to spot, hence the NC becomes a haven for mediocrity.
One cause for the formation of NC may well have been the adoption of Keynesian
economics as a response to the 1930s depression. Keynes observed that total
demand had fallen below a certain critical mass, and recommended a vast increase
in government deficit spending to bridge the gap, not realizing or at least not
admitting, that this would eventually create a huge politically entrenched
parasitic segment of the economy. If
economists are searching for a cause for the stagnation in real incomes over the
25 years since the 60s, they might find it worthwhile to take a hard look at New
Class ascendancy during that period.
NC job security is typically high;
many are public employees. Thus one might expect the NC to support
the expansion of government at the expense of the private economy. When one
thinks of powerful unions today, one does not think so much of the AFL-CIO
or the UAW as one did a few decades ago, but
of such NC organizations as the National
Education Association (NEA) and other public employee PACs. NEA spends much
of its resources lobbying Congress, opposing measures, such as parental choice
of schools, that it perceives would weaken the power of the education
establishment.
At this point I wish to suggest a parallel of the American New Class with the
former Soviet ruling class or Nomenklatura (in our less coercive environment,
sans Gulag).
Both are nonproducers, both make up about 10% of the population. Both are more
or less hostile to private
enterprise. Both became the most powerful cultural arbiters
of their respective societies. For the first time in history, producers of
culture have little or no connection with producers of tangible
products. In this light it is not
surprising that some curious, even bizarre ideologies have wafted out of academe
in recent decades, presently under the banner of "postmodernism" and
"multiculturalism". These have in common a set of ideas which
constitute on a fundamental level the philosophy of nihilism,
which means a denial of hierarchy of quality among any set of concepts or
objects; to put it bluntly, that nothing
is better than anything else. More puzzling is the cause. After all,
if NC has achieved such overwhelming hegemony
and prestige, why would it fall victim to such a poignant, pathetic angst? I can
speculate that nihilism
in academe,
especially in its very core, the radical gender feminist, is the unconscious
result of frustration at the inability to be productive in a tangible sense, or
originally creative. Literary
theorists for instance, have introduced one critical system after another,
succeeding one another like dress styles, analyzing the same literary
works in attempted imitation of the sciences; it would appear for little other
purpose than to generate new thesis topics for Phd dissertations.
In
Growing up Absurd, written about 1959, Paul Goodman essentially predicted
the romantic upheaval of the 60s as a revolt against what he called the
Organized System or Rat Race, which at that time consisted almost exclusively of
the world of big business. The marginal 50s "beatnik" concept evolved
rapidly into the mass-cultural "hippie". But sadly the 60s
movement failed to find an antidote to the tragic and universal predicament of
modernity: the shortage of
meaningful work in which a person can engage with sincere "loving
dedication". Hence the New Class shibboleth
of "service to society" and later, disillusionment and the turn toward
nihilism. But perhaps there is a more fundamental process at work here. The New
Class has noticed something. Whether it has noticed it consciously or
unconsciously is not important: that
the more it concentrates on inventing ineffective or even destructive
"solutions" to society's problems, the worse conditions get and the
more money and power are thrown in the NC's direction by an increasingly
desperate, and unsuspecting electorate. Here the old saw is
apropos: If you do the job right the first time, it's done. If
you do it wrong fourteen times in a row, you've got job security. In
this light, nihilism fits the bill as the perfect ideology for
dissemination to the masses to facilitate social breakdown.
There is another side to Nietzsche's
coin, the theory of the Superman, or superior man who has absolute mastery over
his emotions and human nature. The ideas of Nihilism
and Superman appear on the surface to contradict each other, since the concept
Superman implies a hierarchy of quality. But look at the question from a
different perspective: Nihilism is not mere idea; it is a lethal weapon, an
instrument of destruction of one human by another, one class by another. One
must ask, who benefits from New Class postmodernism? The sole beneficiary is the
NC itself. The New Class academic
considers himself a Superman, willing the destruction of the inferior Old Class,
and his instrument of destruction (by which the ordinary man is led to destroy
himself) is Nihilism.
John
Kenneth Galbraith (quintessentially New Class) wrote in the '60s, whether as
warning or advocacy, -I suspect the latter-, that Russia would gravitate toward
the US system -libertarianize- and the US would move toward the Soviet variety
of socialism. In the wake of Soviet collapse, we
acclaim the first part of this prophecy, but overlook the second. NC
ideology supports the indefinite expansion of the welfare state until it
entirely supplants the private sector; showing perhaps a greater spiritual
affinity with Stalin than Jefferson. As an
instrument in this campaign, the NC has for all practical purposes controlled
the national Democratic party since the 1960s, displacing the
Roosevelt coalition of Labor, Southerners, and the old middle class. (I hasten
to say there exist pockets of resistance, notably the Chicago Democrats). NC's
livelihood actually depends on the continuing existence of crime, poverty and
ignorance. Its main strategy is to maneuver certain other segments of society,
especially the disadvantaged, into a condition of dependency on services that it
provides. In turn it can not only continue to
justify its own existence as the gatekeeper of ever-burgeoning
"programs", but can effectively command its dependents' loyalty come
election day. Note
that a large fraction of tax money spent on "anti-poverty" programs
goes not to the poor themselves, but directly into the NC's pockets.
From where does the frustration, and even violence, of the "Old
Class"(OC), derive? Obviously from deterioration
of economic living standards, with the resulting mental stress.
Unconsciously many realize that after the first industrial revolution devaluing
muscles, the second devaluing routine brainwork (e.g. adding columns of
figures), the third revolution has arrived; human life is on the verge of total
domination by artificial intelligence. Some, as before, react hysterically as to
a mortal threat. As one might expect, nihilism is no stranger here either.
However, it typically takes the more disguised, less intellectual form of
apocalyptic, millennial beliefs about the second coming of Jesus and the end of
the world. What distinguishes the so-called Religious Right? Paul
Tillich wrote that American Fundamentalism, in context of Protestant
history, is actually a "radical evangelicalism" which curiously
parallels Marx in emphasizing the idea of the End of History, a final, literal
"steady state" of salvation which requires the world first to endure
catastrophic tribulations and purification.
Beneath the surface we see that most of this group
has been deprived of any real cultural power in the society, even on so
elementary a level as being reassured by hearing one's views represented among
commentators on the nightly news:
They "...are frozen out of the dominant institutions of the society
where culture is produced: the universities, the elite media, the entertainment
world, advertizing, public education, the large charitable foundations. They
have no voice, they are totally ghettoized..." - James D. Hunter,
prof. of sociology and religion, U. of Virginia. In this light, the
uproar over Rush Limbaugh stems from his rarity: he is that exotic and
paradoxical bird: an anti-New Class media personality.
Tragically,
nihilism is not mere pastime of the ivory-tower set; it is the historic
precursor to mass destruction. When quality judgments disappear, so does any way
to distinguish criminal violence from that which restrains it. The fragile
barrier civilization has erected is breached; and savage instincts know no
limits.
Rene
Girard, in Violence and the Sacred writes: "As soon as the
essential quality of transcendence...
is lost, there are no longer any terms by which to define the legitimate
forms of violence (the kind which prevents other kinds) and to
recognize it among the multitudes of illicit forms. The
definition... then becomes a matter of mere opinion. [It is] the
harbinger of something far worse - a violence which knows no bounds" Prior
to major outbreaks of violence of the past, even in this century, we find
nihilism diffusing into and poisoning the mind, subsequently the whole spirit of
the times. When, as today, the
prevailing intellectual ideology is nothing if not nihilistic, one can hardly be
surprised at the accelerated fraying of our social fabric, the ever worsening
barbarism spreading out before our eyes. It is interesting to compare
the religious proclivities of the NC and the religious Right. Presently NC is
not so much into the formerly fashionable atheism as one might expect. Recoiling
from the ennui
of Nietzsche's Death of God, many NCers embrace the rising, mystical
New Age movement, even while perhaps remaining nominally Christians or Jews.
New Age might profitably be viewed as part of a long-term process, beginning in
the Renaissance, of reversal of the Christianization of the late Roman Empire.
Nevertheless, while being "religious", New Age is recognizably
suffused with nihilism, as we see from examining a few of its main tenets:
-
We
are all "gods" determining our own reality; emphasis is on immanence.
-
"hierarchy" is denied; all conscious entities, in some versions
even all things, have equal status and validity; value
judgments are taboo. (Scratching one of the more extreme
"animal rights" adherents will likely uncover a New Ager).
NC leans towards spiritual nihilism with an Eastern tinge, it
retrogresses to tribalism, to magical, prehistoric thought patterns, the
attempt to control events directly by the human will alone. To underline this,
recent polls of college freshmen revealed 10% to 20% of respondents who claimed
the Holocaust and other examples of human sacrifice could not be condemned because
such condemnation would assume one culture's moral superiority over another.
Consider this quotation:
"...We are now at the end of the Age of Reason.
The intellect has...become a disease of life. A new age of magical
interpretation of the world is coming in terms of will and not
intelligence....there are ascending grades on the way to the achievement of
higher levels of consciousness...there is no such thing as truth, either in the
moral or the scientific sense" This could be taken as a position
statement, almost a mini-manifesto, by any New Age celebrity from Shirley
Maclaine on down. All surely
would be discomfited to discover the source: a 1930s statement by Adolf Hitler.
Some authors such as Constance
Cumbey have claimed that New Age is actually a resurgence of Nazism. I
rather would say that Nazism is a particular outbreak of that more general
phenomenon of "postmodernism", the retreat
from reason, of which New Age is a religious manifestation.
What remains for New Age is to attempt
to create a consistent mythology to replace the Biblical story. Skeptics
and believers debating the "alien abduction" and "space
brothers" stories that have saturated the media have largely ignored one
plausible theory, which is due to C. G.
Jung: that these tales are nothing less than the seed of an emerging
religious mythology which is, for better or worse, more in tune with our
technological times. One might almost think of it as a modernized version of
Saul's conversion on the road to Damascus, or the reported visitations by demons
in the Middle Ages
A peculiar and significant event occurred a few years ago in connection with
the above. One of the foremost literary deconstruction
theorists, Prof.
Paul De Man of Yale, was exposed as a Nazi collaborator, having made propaganda
for the Vichy regime during the
War. Now if one follows the common idea that postmodernists are simply leftover
Marxists who have not yet heard the bad news about the fall of the Empire, one
might easily predict a breaking away, a revulsion among his colleagues. What
actually happened was precisely the opposite. Academic support rallied behind De
Man, making arguments that a traditionally rational person would find startling:
for example, that De Man's actions were not his at all, but merely those of
"ideology speaking through him", echoing the return to a prehistoric
magical way of seeing the world, that of the Oracle and the Shaman as a link
between the human and the supernatural.
Some say that if an issue is ignored for long enough it gets tired, gives up
and goes away. The Race Problem is quite robust for a 300 year old. The black
ghetto has fallen into the advanced stage of nihilism, with an astronomical
crime rate which is really a form of mass destruction, of civil warfare. From
here the plague begins to spread to the rest of the population. The Problem
appears insoluble,
because it is really a conflict of irreconcilable
world views; in Nietzschean
terms, between Dionysian
romanticism
and Apollonian
classicism.
To "solve" it requires an unlikely scenario: one side or the other
must surrender and adopt the enemy Weltanschauung.
The good news is, a nihilistic atmosphere can dissipate, as in Germany after the
war. The bad news: it must hit bottom, like the alcoholic with DTs, before
recovering.
Increasingly, irrational pressure groups dominate the two major political
parties: Democrats by the sophisticated, postmodernist New Class, Republicans
traditionally by business interests, now increasingly by the millenarian,
apocalyptic Religious Right. Those of us who are not True Believers rebound
desperately from one to the other like a multiply spurned lover, now and then
hopefully embracing an independent would-be savior. For a glimpse into America's
future, let us try pushing Galbraith's convergence theory somewhat further than
he might prefer, and consider today's Russia. It confronts the chaotic, amoral
legacy of the Soviet New Class: a
devil's brew of crime, rampant superstition, and corrupt economy, and a work
ethic destroyed by 75 years of an extreme welfare mentality (welfare,
that is, for the Nomenklatura). There exist only two exit doors. To return to a totalitarian
mode it must isolate its people from the world and restore the methods and
practices which led to the collapse in the first place; the other door leads to
Western style democracy for which unfortunately Russia has no cultural
background.
What will be the role of Corporate America (CA), this uncomfortable bedfellow
of the New Class? As long as the NC is able to hold
its clients down on the plantation with "welfare colonialism",
things sail smoothly along and CA is willing to not only coexist but collaborate
with it. Now however, a dangerous wild card is dealt, a consequence of NC policy
itself: the looming catastrophe of the runaway
National Debt, like the greenhouse
effect on Venus. (As of 1997 this scenario has been at least temporarily
staved off by high tax revenues due to a strong economy). In the ensuing
financial meltdown, admittedly a worst case analysis, NC would catch a bad case
of unemployment, its dependents will rise in wrath, savings may be wiped out,
conjuring up visions of the Weimar
debacle and its dreadful sequel.
Or not. The
American New Class is no more invincible than its Soviet counterpart, especially
if the public is awakened, and the topic of the New Class agenda becomes a topic
of everyday conversation.
One might say in criticism that most people don't spend much time thinking
about starting a civil war, they just try to get by. However one could say the
same thing about many a pre-war situation. Much of the impetus behind the war
spirit of 1914 was a fervent longing to ditch the daily grind and go out seeking
adventure; if a great Cause was behind it, so much the better. And speaking of
getting by, the celebrated, emerging "road rage" phenomenon, in which
one motorist attempts to pass another and gets shot for his trouble, must be a
barometer, a harbinger, of something. The hunch is, that something is not
domestic tranquility...
An article in US
News (Dec 9, '96) points out an effect which has been increasingly observed
in political polling during recent election campaigns. Poll results in many
Western countries (where a poll-taker requests, in person, positions on
candidates or issues) have become skewed to the left, that is, toward New Class
positions, giving about 3 to 5 percent error in predicting election outcomes.
Author Michael Barone speculated on causes by suggesting that many respondents
feel their true positions on issues to be unacceptable to a vaguely defined
"establishment" with powerful media resources which can intimidate by
a psychological threat, if not a real one, leading subjects to tell the
perceived authorities what they presumably want to hear. As a historical extreme
case of this phenomenon, consider the Soviet elections with a communist vote of
98 or 99 percent, followed by a precipitous drop to 20 or 30 percent after
elections went secret-ballot. This gap between poll result and actual
secret-ballot election result might serve as a barometer, an index, of the
degree to which authoritarian forces, of one stripe or another, have made
inroads into a given society, and it could add one more support for the idea of
the New Class as vanguard of an emerging totalitarian ethos in Western
countries.
It is one thing to point out a
threat, another to combat it. Reasoning with a group that regards reason
itself as an "instrument of the patriarchal oppressor" is very likely
futile. What then is the solution? If there is one it is the
following: Any thinking person concerned about the
future of civilization should do no less than direct the most urgent efforts
towards elucidating and publicizing in the starkest possible terms and in
greatest detail, the profound parallels between radical New Class ideology and
the ideologies of the two full-blown nihilistic political movements of recent
times, the Nazi-fascism of Hitler and the Red-fascism of Stalin. The
nearly complete lack of public awareness suggests that this revelation would
arrive as a thunderclap, and would do more to render this ideology unfashionable
than any other course of action.
Secondly, a positive action is required. We must find an alternative not only
to the postmodernist relativism in ethics, but also to the ethics associated
with traditional religious mythologies, these not having kept current with many
of today's requirements, for example environmental concerns, population control
and sex equality. The accompanying essay: Ethics
and Rationalized Quality discusses a possible step in this direction.
Bibliography:
Hayek, F., The Road to Serfdom
Rauschning, H., The Voice of Destruction, as quoted in Sklar Bourke, V.,
History
of Ethics, Doubleday, 1968. Ferguson, M.,
The Aquarian Conspiracy, Tarcher,
1980. Manes, C.,
Green Rage, Little, Brown, 1990. Sklar, D.,
The Nazis and the
Occult, Thomas Crowell, 1977. Warner, S. J.,
The Urge to Mass Destruction 1957,
Grune & Stratton. Neuhaus,
American Apostasy Girard, R., Violence and the
Sacred
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eMail: artmoris@bigfoot.com
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Nomenklatura is the word used by Michael Voslensky
in his brilliant book of the same title to identify the ruling elites in
the Soviet Union who lived in an unreal world, unconnected from any kind
of normalcy in their society. They lived in secured enclaves, attended
elite schools, shopped at opulent stores open only to them, imported Western
physicians to care for them, and lived lives of promiscuity and conspicuous
consumption. In short, they governed with fantasyland ideas implemented
ruthlessly, and lived fantasyland lives when they left the Ministries.
There can be no doubt that we have such a political
class here and now, as there is no essential lifestyle nor philosophical
difference between Democrats and Republicans in any governing capacity.
Are we the subjects of a “Great
Social Experiment” where our lives are ruled by a new “enlightened intelligentsia”
unburdened by conventional rules of conduct, morals, logic, or reason?
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Find out how you can help support
Wikipedia's phenomenal growth.
The term Nomenklatura was used in the Soviet
Union for members of the Communist
Party who enjoy special privileges such as shopping at well-stocked
stores. The same term was used in Poland for the members of the former
Communist Party (Polska
Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza - Polish United Workers' Party) PZPR.
This privileged class gained various profits solely from being in the
party.
Milovan
Djilas wrote of the nomenklatura as the New
Class.
After the fall the the Communist regime most of the nomenklatura were
able to secure lucrative positions in the industry or buy out some
property at ridiculously low cost.
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